From Bullrich to Milei: How a Fully Drafted Reform Package Changed Hands

by Langscore Research 8 min read

Patricia Bullrich: The Original Political Vehicle

While Federico Sturzenegger's deregulation project began as an unfunded academic exercise at the Universidad de San Andrés in late 2021, it was designed from inception to serve political power. By May 2022, as the 2023 presidential election cycle took shape, Sturzenegger officially aligned the reform project with the campaign of Patricia Bullrich — a prominent figure in the center-right PRO party and the Juntos por el Cambio coalition.[1][5]

Under the Bullrich campaign, the project transformed from a seven-person university exercise into a formidable shadow-government operation. Over 18 months, the team expanded to 150 legal experts, economists, and sector specialists, all working under the strict Track Changes methodology to produce a comprehensive legislative package covering energy, telecommunications, agriculture, labor, and dozens of other sectors.[2][5] Read our companion article on the deregulation timeline →

The October 2023 First-Round Shock

On October 22, 2023, the first round of the Argentine general elections upended the plan. Patricia Bullrich — the candidate for whom 150 specialists had spent 18 months drafting ready-to-deploy reform legislation — finished third. She failed to advance to the runoff.[6][7]

The race was set between the establishment Peronist candidate, Economy Minister Sergio Massa, and the insurgent anarcho-capitalist outsider Javier Milei of La Libertad Avanza. Sturzenegger's team now possessed a comprehensive legislative blueprint with no viable political vehicle to implement it.[6]

The Acassuso Meeting: Cementing the Alliance

The political realignment was remarkably swift. Former President Mauricio Macri and Patricia Bullrich, recognizing the existential threat posed by a continuation of Peronist governance under Massa, immediately moved to endorse Javier Milei for the November 19 runoff. This endorsement was not merely rhetorical — it involved a deep, pragmatic fusion of the PRO party's technocratic capabilities with Milei's immense popular momentum.[6]

The pivotal moment occurred during a highly publicized meeting in Acassuso, a Buenos Aires suburb, between Macri, Bullrich, and Milei. It was at this meeting that the terms of the PRO-LLA alliance were cemented and the transfer of the reform package was set in motion. Milei went on to win the November 19 runoff by a decisive 10-point margin.[6]

Why the Transfer Worked: Mutual Deficits

The transfer worked because both sides had complementary deficits. Javier Milei had won the battle of ideas among the electorate — calling for the destruction of the political "caste" and symbolizing his intent with a revving chainsaw — but his nascent La Libertad Avanza party lacked the bureaucratic depth, legal drafting experience, and technocratic manpower required to translate anarcho-capitalist rhetoric into actionable law. He had the mandate but not the paperwork.[2][7]

Conversely, Sturzenegger's 150-person team possessed exactly what Milei lacked: a fully drafted, legally sound, line-by-line roadmap for dismantling the Argentine regulatory state. They had the ultimate chainsaw but no longer had the political mandate to turn it on. The Track Changes methodology made the package inherently portable — it was legal text, not ideology, and could serve any candidate committed to deregulation.[1][5]

"Milei had won the power to swing the chainsaw, but it was Sturzenegger's team that had engineered, sharpened, and aimed it."

The Hotel Libertador Handover

Following the Acassuso agreement, the physical and intellectual integration of the teams occurred primarily at the Hotel Libertador in downtown Buenos Aires — Milei's campaign headquarters, operational bunker, and residence during the transition period. Sturzenegger presented the two massive "piles" of redlined legislation to the incoming president's inner circle in the frantic 21 days between the runoff victory and inauguration.[4][8]

To adapt the package for Milei, Sturzenegger collaborated with Energy Secretary Eduardo Rodríguez Chirillo, who had been working independently on Milei's campaign plans, and Jorge Muratorio, a prominent administrative law expert. This trio worked intensely to fuse Sturzenegger's comprehensive reform project with Milei's specific campaign pledges — merging two years of Track Changes drafting with the insurgent candidate's political priorities.[4] Read our companion article on the Track Changes methodology →

Private Law Firm Involvement

The sheer scale of the legislative adaptation required immense legal review. Over the final weeks before inauguration, the trio ramped up contact with prominent lawyers from Argentina's most prestigious law firms — including Bruchou & Funes de Rioja, Martínez de Hoz & Rueda, and Cassagne Abogados.[4]

However, it was strictly maintained that these contributions were made on a personal, informal advisory basis rather than as institutional endorsements. As one lawyer from the business elite noted to the press: "No law firm collaborated. It's true that there were calls to particular lawyers from the most important law firms, but all recommendations were personal."[4]

Frequently Asked Questions

Did Milei write his own reform laws?

No. The core legislative package — including the foundation for DNU 70/23 and the Ley Bases — was drafted over two years by Sturzenegger's 150-person team, originally for Patricia Bullrich's presidential campaign. It was transferred to Milei after Bullrich's first-round elimination in October 2023.

What was the Acassuso meeting?

A pivotal meeting between former President Macri, Patricia Bullrich, and Javier Milei in Acassuso, a Buenos Aires suburb, that cemented the PRO-LLA alliance for the November 2023 runoff. This meeting initiated the formal transfer of Sturzenegger's reform package to Milei's campaign.

Who drafted DNU 70/23?

The mega-decree was assembled from the Track Changes documents produced by Sturzenegger's 150-person network over two years. It was finalized at the Hotel Libertador by Sturzenegger, Energy Secretary Rodríguez Chirillo, and administrative law expert Jorge Muratorio, with informal advisory input from top Argentine law firms.

Why did the transfer work so smoothly?

Both sides had complementary deficits: Milei had the electoral mandate but no technocratic apparatus or pre-drafted legislation; Sturzenegger's PRO-aligned team had a complete legislative blueprint but no viable candidate after Bullrich's elimination. The Track Changes methodology made the package portable — it was legal text, not ideology.

Sources

  1. [1] Federico Sturzenegger. Chainsaw and Deregulation: the First Year of Javier Milei's Presidency (Princeton / Markus' Academy). Accessed February 21, 2026.
  2. [2] Cato Institute. Deregulation in Argentina: Milei Takes "Deep Chainsaw" to Bureaucracy and Red Tape. Accessed February 21, 2026.
  3. [3] Buenos Aires Herald. Milei appoints Sturzenegger as minister of deregulation. Accessed February 21, 2026.
  4. [4] Buenos Aires Times. Sturzenegger, Rodríguez Chirillo, Muratorio: the men behind Milei's mega-decree. Accessed February 21, 2026.
  5. [5] Federico Sturzenegger. It's the Regulations, Stupid! — Deregulation: from Theory to Practice (RedNIE Working Paper). Accessed February 21, 2026.
  6. [6] Wikipedia. Presidency of Javier Milei. Accessed February 21, 2026.
  7. [7] Buenos Aires Times. Federico Sturzenegger, architect of Argentina's reforms, says he isn't even halfway done. Accessed February 21, 2026.
  8. [8] Buenos Aires Times. Javier Milei takes office as Argentina braces for 'shock' economic reforms. Accessed February 21, 2026.